Mixed Blood Indians: Racial Construction in the Early South

Race and ethnicity in Latin America
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Higginbotham Closing our eyes to discrimination. San Francisco Chronicle September 8 :A Blauner, B.

Mixed Blood Indians: Racial Construction in the Early South

Pincus and H. Ehrlich, eds. Boulder, Colo. Bobo, L. American Sociological Review 61 6 — Booth, W. The Washington Post February 22 :A1. Bunzel, J. Collins, P. New York: Routledge. Crouch, S. New York Times Magazine Sept. Edmonston, B. Goldstein, and J. Tamayo-Lott, eds. Washington, D. Frankenberg, R. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Gingrich, N. Glenn, E. In Revisioning Gender , M. Ferree, J. Lorber, and B. Hess, eds. Thousand Oaks, Calif. Goldberg, D. Gordon, M. New York: Oxford University Press.

Hacker, A. Hall, S. Morley and K. Chen, eds. Higginbotham, E. Race, Sex, and Class — Hill, M. Hollinger, D. New York: Basic Books. Holmes, S. New York Times October 30 :A1. New York Times: Week 3 August Horton, J. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Ignatiev, N. Berkeley: University of California. Kasinitz, P.

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As they saw the French make clear distinctions between themselves and their African slaves, the Natchez claimed racial power by identifying themselves as superior to the French. Black economic life outside the wage economy needs to be explored further by historians, including the exploitation of natural resources through subsistence agriculture, hunting, fishing, and trade networks. On April 30, , the Red Stick leader Menawa, with a large force of Law Menders the recently organized Creek police force from towns in the ceded territory, attacked the McIntosh plantation, lighting bonfires around the buildings. Deportation in the Americas: Histories of Exclusion and Resistance. Sign In or Create an Account. The status of a caste came to be associated with other features besides bloodlines, such as occupation, residence, wealth, and religion. Following this, the English abandoned many praying towns and sold a number of Wampanoag Indians into slavery in the British Caribbean.

Nakanishi, D. Navarro, M. New York Times September 13 :Y7. Oboler, S. Oliver, M. Omi, M. Winant Contesting the meaning of race in the post-civil rights movement era. Pedraza and R. Rumbaut, eds. Belmont, Calif. Overbey, M. Anthropology Newsletter American Anthropological Association 38 7 Petit, C.

San Francisco Chronicle February 23 :A1. Portes, A. Zhou The new second generation: Segmented assimilation and its variants. The Annals — Roediger, D. New York: Verso. Root, M. Newbury Park, Calif. Shinagawa, L. Pang Asian American panethnicity and intermarriage. Amerasia Journal 22 2 — Bureau of the Census Results of the race and ethnic targeted test. Population Division Working Paper No. Wang, L. Amerasia Journal 24 1 :1— Waters, M. International Migration Review — Wilgoren, J. New York Times April 9 :A Wilson, W.

Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Winant, H. Seidman The modern world racial system in transition. Zack, N. The 20th Century has been marked by enormous change in terms of how we define race. In large part, we have thrown out the antiquated notions of the s, giving way to a more realistic, sociocultural view of the world. The United States is, perhaps more than any other industrialized country, distinguished by the size and diversity of its racial and ethnic minority populations. Current trends promise that these features will endure. Fifty years from now, there will most likely be no single majority group in the United States.

How will we fare as a nation when race-based issues such as immigration, job opportunities, and affirmative action are already so contentious today? In America Becoming , leading scholars and commentators explore past and current trends among African Americans, Hispanics, Asian Americans, and Native Americans in the context of a white majority. This volume presents the most up-to-date findings and analysis on racial and social dynamics, with recommendations for ongoing research. It examines compelling issues in the field of race relations, including:. This collection of papers, compiled and edited by distinguished leaders in the behavioral and social sciences, represents the most current literature in the field.

Volume 1 covers demographic trends, immigration, racial attitudes, and the geography of opportunity. Volume 2 deals with the criminal justice system, the labor market, welfare, and health trends. Both books will be of great interest to educators, scholars, researchers, students, social scientists, and policymakers. Based on feedback from you, our users, we've made some improvements that make it easier than ever to read thousands of publications on our website. Jump up to the previous page or down to the next one. Precolonial provincial and subprovincial political units served as the basis for the encomienda, town, and parish districts, allowing Indian mayors and town councils to function under Spanish direction.

The indigenous people were also active in the world of the church.

Morris on Perdue, '"Mixed Blood" Indians: Racial Construction in the Early South' | H-South | H-Net

Indian political leaders often allied themselves to the secular and regular clergy against Crown officials, while others held minor but symbolic church offices. The great contradiction confronting Africans in the New World was that, although by phenotype they were the ethnic group most removed from Europeans, they were much closer to their masters than the Indians in the practices of everyday life. Legally Africans were chattel slaves, but soon they assumed the role of intermediaries between Europeans and the indigenous population.

Africans in Spanish America served as soldiers, supervised Indian workers on the hacienda, and managed domestic servants in the town house. The shortage of labor in urban areas eventually led to the creation of a class of skilled black craftsmen who could purchase their own freedom. The social life of slaves in Brazil is especially instructive in illuminating the survival of African ways in the Americas.

On the plantation, godparenthood and coparenthood, both common to the peoples of Africa, substituted for the shattered extended family. In the large cities the innandades lay brotherhoods; cotradias in Spanish America sponsored by the Catholic Church granted slaves, free blacks, and mulattos a degree of autonomy by permitting them to assemble on holidays, gather funds for the less fortunate, and elect a leadership to observe the rituals of their particular saint. African languages mixed with Portuguese provided a lingua franca that kept African practices alive, particularly through the religious ceremonies of Candomble, Macumba, and other Afro-Brazilian syncretic faiths.

The 19th century witnessed a second conquest of the Indian and African peoples.

Morris on Perdue, '"Mixed Blood" Indians: Racial Construction in the Early South'

Independence from Iberia led to further dependence for these subaltern groups. But these were the exceptions; few of the Creole independence leaders dared to stir up the indigenous population with talk of liberation. Afro-Latin soldiers fought on both sides of the South American wars. Simon Bolivar, although he led a multicolored army, promised abolition to the slaves of Nueva Granada only after the Spaniards had done so, and at the end of his life expressed fears that Venezuela would become a pardocracia mulatto republic.

The transformation of the Indian majority into mestizos and the marginalization of the emancipated African population constituted the two great trends of 19th-century racial history. Both were ultimately the product of changes in the global economy: the reorientation of the hacienda away from domestic markets toward exports, and the beginnings of industrialization in Latin America.

Mestization in Mexico, Central America, and the Andean republics was tied to the presence of valuable export products that drove the Indians out of their villages and into the market economy; for example, the mining sector in Mexico, guano in Peru, and coffee in Central America. Mestizos also formed the majority of the rural proletariat and the informal semiproletariat in the cities.

The mestizo was now identified not by ancestry but socioeconomic status: bilingualism; Catholicism of the orthodox, not syncretic, variety; residence in the rural towns or cities; and new European styles of dress and fashion. Blacks in Latin America found the freedom that came with abolition to be deceptive.

The modernization of the sugar industry in Brazil from labor-intensive plantations to the capital- intensive factory system spelled disaster. Former slaves were regarded by white employers as unreliable and more likely to resist industrial discipline, and many wound up living in shantytowns employed at menial tasks in the service sector. Black women were even worse off. The economic boom in Latin American exports in the second half of the 19th century caused the elites to ponder why their nations were not following the path of economic stability and political order trodden by the advanced capitalist countries.

The philosophy of positivism and its cult of progress seemed to offer a plausible explanation. If the measure of civilization was industry, and if technology was available to all nations, then Latin America's backwardness had to be due to cultural factors. Indians, Africans, and mixed- bloods lacked the requisite mentality to adapt to industrial civilization. National progress thus depended on forcibly assimilating these "barbarians" into the dominant culture or physically removing them from society.

The indigenous and African peoples under siege from modernizing elites did not passively accept their degradation. Indigenous communities from Mexico to Chile combined archaic and modern methods of preserving their economic and political autonomy, including the resuscitation of the traditions of ancestor worship, animism, and millenarian movements; appealing to the national government against abusive local officials; litigation—law suits as well as "mock trials" of hacendados and corrupt officials; adopting European forms of warfare such as fortified defenses; starting a system of tax collection to forge inter- Indian unity; making alliances with local and regional caciques political bosses ; and the restoration of precolonial forms of economic and political organization such as community plots and popular councils.

Less research has been done on Afro-Latin forms of resistance to white hegemony in the post-abolition period.

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Where Woods married a Scandinavian, Obama married an African-American woman; personal choices that nonetheless resonate meaningfully with the public audience. The extension of the multiracial presence to the political arena also achieves its glamour by discounting or obscuring much older multiracial presence. In this connection, it is striking to compare Obama, who gave the Democratic convention keynote address in, , to his predecessor at the keynote podium in the previous Democratic convention: Harold Ford Jr. Similarly, U. Secretary of State Colin Powell has not been presented to the public as a mixed-race person.

Although the two share a common preoccupation with the links between racial classification and racism, they raise very different sets of specific worries. Like debates about the historical impact of segregation on the African-American community, this perspective suggests that an originally racist convention— i. The parallel argument about segregation is that it had the positive outcome of keeping middle-class business and services in black neighborhoods, rather than permitting the exodus of middle-class blacks that some believe is linked to contemporary poverty in black neighborhoods.

Here the potential injury was twofold: first, a mixed-race exodus from the black community would constitute an insult if not outright betrayal; and second, lower head counts of blacks and Hispanics might have repercussions for their political clout. Here the perceived threat had three dimensions. First, the introduction of 63 possible racial combinations thanks to more-than-one-race selection would hamper policymakers and other researchers who wished to study race-related outcomes, thus limiting knowledge of racial stratification in the U.

A second and related concern was that the complexity of the new race categories might hand ammunition to those detractors who would like to do away with racial statistics altogether. In other words, a racial classification system with 63 categories or if cross-tabulated by Hispanic origin might make an easy target for those who want to eliminate such categorization.

"Mixed Blood" Indians: Racial Construction in the Early South

Statistical analyses of the data are regularly employed to determine, for example, whether job candidates of different racial backgrounds but with comparable skills are equally likely to be hired 9. And for the purpose of such analysis, the rules for assigning individuals to one racial category or another make a difference Goldstein and Morning, Roderick Harrison, who likens the post-revision federal racial statistical system to Humpty-Dumpy after his fall, considers the repercussions of the strategy of treating mixed-race people— some of whom may previously been classified as white— as if they belonged to monoracial communities of color for statistical purposes:.

Employers, landlords, educational institutions, and health officials in a given locality are likely to object to being held to goals or standards for American Indians, Asians, or African Americans that are 10, 20, or 30 percent higher than they would have been without the methodological revisions.

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On the other side, those who feel they suffer from inequitable educational, employment, housing, or health conditions are also likely to insist that statistics showing improvements in these conditions not reflect new collection and tabulation methods rather than changes that would have been measured in these conditions absent the revisions. Harrison, Although it is clearly too early to evaluate some of the expectations— most notably, that of a new postracial America— we can begin to trace the outlines of the impact of others.

In other words, I question whether the seeds of change for the longer-term predictions seem to be materializing. Of the Although this is not an insignificant number, it is far from the proportion of African Americans that could probably report some European or American Indian ancestry if they so chose. In , the Census Bureau estimated that 75 percent of the Negro population had non-black ancestry; more recent estimates also put this share above 50 percent U.

Census Bureau, So although the prospect of mulattoes abandoning the African-American ship touched a prominent nerve in public discourse about the change in federal racial classification, blacks were the community of color least affected by the switch. One reason is simply that as intermarriage rates increase, even for blacks, more multiracial children are likely to be born. The opportunity to identify with more than one race, still new, may become more familiar over time, and more people may take advantage of it.

Informal estimates suggest that nearly half the U. If these more distant sources of multiracial ancestry came to be validated, a growing share of Americans might identify with more than one race on official forms like the census, regardless of new births to interracial unions. It is true that it is perceived in some quarters as a bureaucratic inconvenience. But in a sense, this disgruntlement simply reflects a shift in the burden of racial data collection from the individual respondent, previously unhappy with the choices he or she was forced to make, to the technocrat who must now cope with 63 racial categories.

In other words, government officials now suffer the shortcomings of our racial classification standards to a greater extent, but relieve some of the imposition that inadequate categories placed on others. Nor has it handed much ammunition to those detractors who want to do away with racial statistics altogether. In part this may be because the organization advocates the retention of racial data collection for some purposes, like biomedical research and criminal justice.

This is due in large part to the fact that the federal government has issued guidelines for allocating multiple-race data back to traditional single-race categories in order to facilitate the enforcement of civil rights law Office of Management and Budget, In short, the OMB requires civil rights enforcement agencies to assign each multiple-race response to a single racial group for statistical purposes, and to do so by assigning all people of white and non-white heritage to the non-white group.

Although many have remarked on the irony of adopting the one-drop rule for civil rights purposes, the motivation of wanting an inclusive measure of the potentially discriminated-against population has been widely accepted, at least for now. Its impact has been muted simply because the multiracial person does not yet truly exist for the machinery of government, which continues to use race data to implement single-race laws.

Paradoxically, the advent of multiple-race reporting has not introduced the multiracial actor as a protagonist in the implementation of civil rights law. Previously, mixture had been the prerogative only of European ethnic groups. And the official recognition of multiple-race ancestry will be personally meaningful to many, seen as vindicating personal senses of identity.

Obviously, it is impossible to answer such a question based on barely five years of experience. Nor is it clear how one could link any such trend to a specific event like the census change, even with a much longer time period to investigate. That is, they believe biological essentialism is a necessary ingredient for racism 11 and that multiracial acknowledgment counters such essentialism because it introduces the idea that race is malleable, situational, culture- and time-bound. Although academics have begun to describe the racial self-identification choices of multiracial people in order to explore the constructed nature of race identity e.

Chew, Eggebeen and Uhlenberg, ; Harris and Sim, ; Rockquemore and Brunsma, , it is not clear that the public is aware of the extent to which racial identities are situational. A mixed-race identity can still be perceived as a fixed one— not changing according to context or life stage— even if it is a more complex type of racial identity than previously recognized.

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And retaining the idea of racial identities as fixed does little to dispel the notion of race as a biological indicator. As in the case of the animals and plants that we cross-breed, we can recognize their hybrid origins without rejecting the notion that their differences and mixture are rooted in biology. For example, the politician Barack Obama is routinely described as having a wondrous ability to connect with both black and white voters. Not only are these the poles of the American racial spectrum, but they are also his hereditary racial communities: he can appeal to both blacks and whites because he is black and white.

The feeling that his bond to blacks and whites is rooted in his DNA— rather than culture— is underscored by the general oversight of the connections that his early years in Hawaii and Indonesia might afford. Does his mixedness and background also make him appealing to Asian Americans or native Hawaiians? If it were his cultural exposure that explained his ability to touch different kinds of people, we might expect greater examination of his ties to Asian Americans, and less of his bond with blacks, having grown up with a white mother and grandparents.

Instead, it is his ostensibly biological makeup that is implicitly linked to his political success. By asking individuals to combine options from a menu with a fixed number of items, the multiple-race standards do not call into question the five categories it deems racial groups. Not only does it retain the ethno-racial pentagon Hollinger, , but it further validates the collection of racial statistics.

It perpetuates the idea that all people can and should be categorized in racial terms. So while the option to identify with more than one race may feel personally liberating to some, it is not the true revolution that some would make it out to be. In other words, the increased visibility of multiracial America has not precluded a growing interest in identifying racial groups with genetic makeup Geneticists have also applied their skills to decoding the racial makeup of entire populations, such as that of Brazil Pena et al.

Although the researchers who have insisted most strongly that race is written in our DNA have largely sidestepped the Hispanic population when making such claims despite its prominence as the largest minority group in the nation , the new visibility of mixed-race people has not dealt much of a blow to the premise that race is an essential biological quality. Nor has it resulted in the breakdown of civil rights policy or the wholesale statistical conversion of the black population into mulattoes. In short, neither the brooding fears nor the ardent hopes concerning the advent of multiple-race classification seem likely to be realized.

In other words, the most important implications of the switch to multiple-race reporting lay not in the predictions described above, but in demographic developments that are not usually linked to the multiracial population.