Don't have an account? All Rights Reserved. OSO version 0. University Press Scholarship Online. Sign in. Not registered? Sign up. Publications Pages Publications Pages. Search my Subject Specializations: Select Users without a subscription are not able to see the full content. New Frontiers in Open Innovation Henry Chesbrough, Wim Vanhaverbeke, and Joel West Abstract This book provides an examination of research conducted to date on open innovation, as well as an overview of what may be the most important, most promising, and most relevant research topics in this area during the next decade.
More This book provides an examination of research conducted to date on open innovation, as well as an overview of what may be the most important, most promising, and most relevant research topics in this area during the next decade. Authors Affiliations are at time of print publication. Print Save Cite Email Share. Show Summary Details.
However, there are at least two major types of intraindividual variability: within-person changes over relatively long periods of time that may or may not be reversible, such as those seen in development; and within-person changes that are more fluid, such as mood states see Nesselroade,. Experience sampling also allows for an examination of variability across a week, a day, or an even shorter interval.
Experience-sampling approaches are found primarily in the research literatures on personality, emotion, and human abilities see, e. Variability within an individual across relatively short intervals, such as a day or a week, has proven to be a powerful predictor of such outcomes as divorce and mortality, among others.
The study of intraindividual variability has contributed importantly to our understanding of personality and emotions and the ways in which they change over time. For example, variability in reports about self-concept across a week-long sampling period predicts the intensity with which people experience both positive and negative emotions Charles and Pasupathi, From a developmental perspective, we have also learned that phenomena apparent at the intraindividual level may not necessarily be reflected in mean changes in performance across a group or even within the same individual across time.
In the study by Charles and Pasupathi , for example, there was less variability in older adults than in younger adults. Similarly, Mroczek and Spiro report individual differences in the rate of age-related change of the personality traits of extraversion and neuroticism. Studies of the relationship between personality and intraindividual variability in emotional experience found that emotional variability over time is related to withdrawal from life Eaton and Funder, ; Larsen, , and the same research also shows that each of three different aspects of emotional experience valence, intraindividual variability, and rate of change correlate with different, specific personality variables extraversion, repression, and fearfulness and hostility toward others, respectively , and that these relationships are not consistent across gender.
Eid and Diener , demonstrated that intraindividual variability in affect is distinct enough to be considered a unique trait, separate from measures of neuroticism and other personality factors and that variations in intraindividual organization of behavior variation across situations is reflected in distinctive profiles of situation-behavior relationships Shoda, Mischel, and Wright, Intraindividual variability appears to be a rich resource for behavioral prediction. For example, the lability of self-esteem predicts vulnerability to depression Butler, Hokanson, and Flynn, As Nesselroade points out, intraindividual methodologies allow for the integration of idiographic concerning discrete or unique facts or events and nomothetic concerning the discovery of scientific laws emphases in the study of behavior.
An experience-sampling study that included the full adult age range. Complexity of experience was related to superior regulation of emotion. Thus, information garnered from repeated sampling provides a richer account of the strategies people use that result in better or poorer self-regulation. Certain types of intraindividual variability may also be predictors of cognitive dysfunction and even death.
For example, Hultsch, MacDonald, Hunter, Levy-Bencheton, and Strauss found that greater individual variability on tests of several cognitive domains characterized those older adults with mild dementia. Eizenman, Nesselroade, Featherman, and Rowe found that within-person variation over weekly measurements of perceived locus of control predicted mortality status 5 years later.
Progress in analytical approaches to intraindividual variability has been rapid in recent years see Nesselroade and Ram, , pointing to new ways to model individual growth i.
The addition of brain imaging techniques to the methodological arsenal has greatly increased the power of measurement approaches in psychology. Jointly using brain and behavioral data, scientists have advanced the understanding of the specific processes involved in behavioral responses. There has been a growing interdisciplinary effort by social psychologists and cognitive neuroscientists to use methods such as functional brain imaging e.
The cognitive neuroscience of aging has benefited enormously from these methods and the social neuroscience of aging is expected to do the same. Rapid progress is already being made in identifying the neural basis of social cognition in younger populations.
There have been three special issues of neuroscience journals dedicated to social neuroscience, and the Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience has added the topic to its core publication mission. The field is likely to grow rapidly as the methods of cognitive neuroscience provide social psychologists with new tools to understand human nature. Researchers have identified a number of brain regions that support social capacities, such as recognition of faces and their emotional. It is crucial both for social psychologists to recognize that brain mechanisms are involved in producing social behaviors, and for neuroscientists to appreciate that brains function in social contexts that fundamentally constrain behavior.
Social brain science is providing new insights into long-standing questions regarding social behavior. One such question concerns the mechanisms that support the self-reference memory enhancement effect, in which information encoded with reference to the self is better remembered than information encoded with reference to other people. This question remained unresolved because the competing theories made identical behavioral predictions i.
A resolution came about when Kelley and colleagues , using fMRI, found that an area of the medial prefrontal cortex was uniquely associated with self-referential processing. This team of researchers subsequently found that activity in this region predicted whether or not people remembered traits they had processed with reference to self Macrae, Kelley, and Heatherton, Another exciting area of research reveals that different brain regions are involved in the anticipation and the experience of reward. Reward anticipation is likely involved in drug addiction, gambling, and other tasks in which people work to achieve a desired state Knutson and Peterson, Experiments of this type characterize the emerging field of neuroeconomics.
While most psychological and pharmaceutical treatments for psychopathology focus on dampening negative emotions, this work lays the foundation for ways to modify behavior by recruiting positive emotional systems.
Very few studies have applied social neuroscience to questions about aging, but intriguing results have emerged from those that have. For ex-. Cognitive aging researchers have also demonstrated neural compensation: on tasks that place a significant demand on controlled and deliberative processes, older adults show bilateral frontal activation while younger people show laterality Park, Polk, Mikels, Taylor, and Marshuetz, ; Reuter-Lorenz, The investigation of the role of neural plasticity in social tasks may be particularly interesting.
The literature is replete with examples showing that older adults arrange their environment to be supportive, to recruit other cognitive resources, and to use others in such tasks as collaborative problem solving Dixon, It appears also that compensation occurs at a neural level, but this requires more investigation.
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